In violation of its OSCE commitments, Belarusian authorities failed to invite credible international observation organizations, such as ODIHR or OSCE PA, in a timely manner, deliberately obstructing independent oversight. Meanwhile, domestic election observation has been virtually eradicated, with organizations branded as “extremist” and liquidated, and their leaders imprisoned or exiled. Human Rights Center “Viasna” founder and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Ales Bialiatski, along with Valiantsin Stefanovich and Uladzimir Labkovich, are among those serving sentences of up to 10 years.

Despite this, the expert election* 2025 observation mission, carried out by the Human Right Center “Viasna” and the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, conducted monitoring remotely, relying on publicly available data and reports from Belarusian voters.

Elections*2025. Analytical report on the results of monitoring the election campaigning — Conclusions

• the 2025 elections*, fully controlled by the authorities, including the campaigning stage, are taking place in a repressive climate, in a purged political and information field (see previous reports of the “Human Rights Defenders for Free Elections” campaign);

• as part of the campaigning phase, there should have been a political race between the presidential candidates, but in a situation of simulated competition (most candidates did not position themselves as a real alternative to A. Lukashenka, but rather campaigned for him, which is well reflected in the statement of S. Syrankou: “Not against, but together”), the actions of all candidates, except for A. Lukashenka, who used the administrative resource, were almost invisible to a wide audience;

• the requirements of the electoral legislation to ensure the publication of election programs and the provision of airtime on state radio and television were fulfilled, but it is impossible to speak of equality of candidates in the use of the media; formally, televised debates were held (A. Lukashenka, as always, refused to participate in them). Some speeches of the candidates (A. Haidukevich, S. Syrankou) contained signs of inciting hatred, prohibited by Article 47 of the Electoral Code;

• the election campaigning took place in unequal conditions: the administrative and propaganda resources of the power vertical, pro-government public organizations, and state media were involved in support of A. Lukashenka. We can identify several mechanisms of such 2) actions within the framework of the Marathon of Unity and the promotion of the slogan “Time has chosen us!”; 3) Needs to Be Done! campaign (flash mob); 4) information about the elections in general, used for covert campaigning in favor of A. Lukashenka; 5) meetings of A. Lukashenka’s proxies, many of whom are officials, with representatives of labor collectives of state-owned enterprises and institutions, including during working hours;

• the deliberately blurred line between fulfilling government duties and campaigning allowed A. Lukashenka to combine official visits, meetings, and trips with actual campaigning, using the privileges of extensive information services provided to a president at public expense; the decision to raise pensions by A. Lukashenka, in his official capacity as president, during elections can be considered as vote-buying and is a form of abuse of state resources;

• the Marathon of Unity, a large-scale propaganda campaign that lasted for 4 months, was funded by the state (the estimated expenses are more than 3.5 million rubles [more than 1 million euros]) and was essentially the election campaign of A. Lukashenka. The slogan of the election campaign of A. Lukashenka: “Time has chosen us!” was promoted through the ABPA, the Marathon of Unity, the daily “historical” TV project Time Has Chosen Us! on the Belarus 1 TV channel;

• imitation of political activity and broad support, as well as additional resources for campaigning, were received by A. Lukashenka thanks for the Needs to Be Done! flash mob, which was presented as a spontaneous campaign of support for A. Lukashenka, but had signs of an organized event, moreover, an event where people were forced to participate;

• just as in the 2024 elections*, educational and awareness-raising events about the elections have replaced the genuine political process. But even in such “general” words about the importance of elections and the obligation of voters to participate in elections (with a continuing focus on early voting), there is room for indirect campaigning for A. Lukashenka (statements about the correctness of the “chosen course” and the need to support the “national leader”);

• in the absence of independent observers and sufficient transparency in the process of inflows and expenditures in the electoral funds of candidates, it is impossible to carry out full-fledged monitoring of the financial side of the elections. At the same time, the officially declared expenses of all candidates (including A. Lukashenka) are significantly below the established limit of 420,000 rubles [122,389 euros]. Even the amount spent from the fund of A. Lukashenka (92,032 rubles [26,818 euros]) is clearly not enough to launch a full-fledged campaign across the country.

The term “elections*” in relation to the 2024 and 2025 election campaigns is used with an asterisk to emphasize the conventionality of this term, since any free and fair election campaign presupposes all conditions under which rights and freedoms are fully realized, including freedom of speech, freedom of peaceful meetings and associations, the right to participate in the governance of one’s state, freedom from discrimination, which are currently practically absent in Belarus.